Unofficial translation from Russian

This month we are observing a significant date in the history of Russian-American ties - the 70th anniversary of the restoration of diplomatic relations between our countries. This is a good occasion to take an objective and impartial look at the historical experience and the outlook for cooperation between Russia and the United States of America, particularly since this experience is not limited to the seven decades.

History closely bound the destinies of our countries and peoples. Way back in 1741, when the Russians Bering and Chirikov discovered the northwestern part of the American continent, the development was commenced of the so called "Russian America," which subsequently became a part of the present United States.

Although in history Russia and the US went their different ways, at the turning-point, crucial moments common interests invariably united them. During the war of the British colonies in North America for independence (1775-1783) the stand of Russia, which proclaimed in 1780 the Declaration of Armed Neutrality, actually scuttled the attempt by Britain to establish a naval blockade of the young overseas republic. Later, in the years of the Civil War in the US (1861-1865), Russia, by rejecting France's proposal to jointly intervene with Britain in favor of the rebellious South, showed itself to be the only power interested in preserving the integrity of the United States. It is equally symbolic that serfdom in Russia and slavery in the US were abolished almost simultaneously - in 1861 and 1863.

Russia and the US were allies in the two World Wars. In the memory of our peoples there will remain for ever both the "northern convoys" and the combat brotherhood of the two countries, their key role in the victory over a common enemy of mankind - Nazism. Even in the Cold War era, when the confrontation between Moscow and Washington sometimes brought the world to the brink of nuclear catastrophe, both the countries demonstrated an ability in critical moments to rise above their differences and exercise a common responsibility for the preservation of civilization.

An important part of the joint historical experience of our countries is their decisive contribution to creating the modern international legal system, which has for more than half a century now been serving as the basis for the safeguarding of international peace and security. Their signatures are affixed to the Charter of the United Nations, the Helsinki Final Act, the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons and other key documents, the observance of which to this day is a guarantee of the stability and predictability of international relations.

In the present-day conditions, when the page of the Cold War in our relations is definitively turned over, the common responsibility for the maintenance of stability in the world is all the more called upon to be the pivot of Russian-American relations. There exist the real prerequisites for Russia and the US, united by common values, to achieve an unprecedented level of mutual understanding and partnership in world affairs. Such is the chief requirement of the era of globalization, placing mankind before challenges and threats, with which it is possible to cope only together.

Ranking first among those threats is international terrorism. Again, just as 60 years ago, it took the combining of efforts by our countries to resist a common enemy. Cooperation between Russia and the United States became the core of the global antiterrorist coalition established after the tragedy of September 11, 2001.

The course towards a strategic partnership of our countries is confirmed in the Moscow Declaration on the New Strategic Partnership, signed by Vladimir Putin and George W. Bush in May 2002. In particular, it states that Russia and the US will cooperate "to advance stability, and security, and to jointly counter global challenges and to help resolve regional conflicts."

Let us, however, face the truth: the implementation of the task set by the Presidents is still in the very early stages. Thus, the potential for economic cooperation is far from being realized in full. Of course, it is good that now we more often argue about chicken supplies or steel products rather than about missiles and warheads. It is good that the prospects of deepening economic cooperation are evident in such areas as the energy dialogue and new technologies. Nevertheless, Russia still has not been graduated from the provisions of the Jackson-Vanik amendment. Moreover, people in the US Congress are again trying to link the liquidation of this anachronism to a solution of the problems that have nothing to do with it.

All this obviously places on the agenda the task of forming a mechanism designed to remove such problems and to carry the decisions of our Presidents to a practical result. This question was examined during the summit of September 26-27, 2003, at Camp David. The summit demonstrated the grown maturity of relations between the two countries, and confirmed the positive dynamics of their evolution. The Presidents gave the agencies of both countries a number of specific instructions to advance our partnership in priority areas, over the implementation of which constant control will be exercised.

The strategic partnership means a possibility to tell each other openly and plainly about existing problems, discuss and argue about the most difficult issues on the Russian-American agenda, overcome the differences and find mutually acceptable solutions without detriment to bilateral relations. These disputes are the easier to conduct, the nearer we are to the awareness that on most key issues of our time Moscow and Washington diverge not in strategic aims, but in the ways and means of achieving them.

Thus, we declared in principle that we did not regard the unilateral military action of the US against Iraq as justified. Having split the world community, this action has weakened the global antiterrorist coalition. At the same time we share with the US and other members of the world community the common aim of restoring the sovereignty of Iraq as a free democratic state posing no threat to its neighbors. This unity in approaches received its embodiment in resolution 1515 adopted by the UN Security Council, which, in particular, foresees a substantial expansion of UN involvement in a political settlement in Iraq.

We continue to actively cooperate with the US on strategic stability issues, still fully relevant to this day. Our countries concluded the Treaty on Strategic Offensive Reductions. This treaty to a certain extent filled the gaps in the international arms control system, although big and complex work still lies ahead for its implementation.

Like the US, we consider it basically important to prevent the spread of weapons of mass destruction and their delivery vehicles. This problem affects the vital security interests of our countries, and poses a threat to international stability as a whole. The danger of WMDs getting into terrorist hands arouses particular concern. Russia is convinced that to solve this problem reliably is possible only on the basis of strengthening international legality in the person of international law and the UN's central role in world affairs.

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In the years of the Civil War 1861-1865, when the very existence of the US as an integral country was in question, Chancellor A. M. Gorchakov wrote to the Russian envoy to Washington, E. A. Stekl: "The USA in our eyes is a substantial element of world political equilibrium. The Sovereign and all of Russia entertain the most friendly interest in that nation, because the two countries, located at the two ends of the world, in the previous period of their evolution were called for a natural solidarity of interests and sympathies, to which they already gave mutual testimonies."

Today we have entered a new era in the history of international relations. Against the backdrop of new threats and challenges, such traditional notions as a balance of forces, rivalry and a struggle for spheres of influence are becoming things of the past. In these conditions, time has come for all the states, regardless of their weight, either political, economic or military, to become aware that their individual interests are impossible to realize without the embodiment of the collective interests of the world community. The entire historical experience of Russian-American relations also fully corresponds to this.