Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s remarks and answers to questions during a meeting with employees of the Foreign Ministry of Turkmenistan and faculty and students of the Institute of International Relations, Ashgabat, June 25, 2025

Mr Meredov, 

Colleagues,

Friends, 

It is a pleasure to have an opportunity to speak before active and future fellow diplomats, faculty, and students of international relations here in hospitable Ashgabat. Each time I visit Turkmenistan, I know I am among friends. Our relations have reached the level of deep strategic partnership. 

Before I get to my remarks, I would like to express my particular gratitude to the leadership of Turkmenistan, National Leader of the Turkmen people, Chairman of the Halk Maslahaty of Turkmenistan Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, and President of Turkmenistan Serdar Berdimuhamedov for their priority attention to cooperation with the Russian Federation. This stance was reiterated today during my meeting with the President of Turkmenistan. We reviewed the tasks set by the leadership of our two countries, which our respective governments and, undoubtedly, our foreign ministries, are working to implement. 

Russia-Turkmenistan cooperation can serve as a compelling example of relations between countries in a multipolar world, where the global balance continues to shift due to the strengthening of power centres beyond the historical West. 

These centres include China, India, other BRICS members, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, Türkiye, as well as other sovereign-minded nations of Eurasia, the Asia-Pacific region, and the Middle East. The African continent is making its voice heard ever more prominently, and the role of the countries and integration associations in Latin America and the Caribbean is growing. 

Representing diverse civilisations, cultures, and religions, the countries of the Global South and Global East have achieved impressive successes in various fields relying on national traditions and international cooperation. They not only contribute to addressing regional challenges in line with the “regional solutions to regional problems” concept, but also engage in addressing key global issues. The consolidation of multipolar principles in international affairs is having a direct impact on multilateral diplomacy. 

I would like to highlight the positive role of associations such as the SCO and BRICS, which have established themselves as key components of the polycentric architecture. The Group of Friends in Defence of the UN Charter in New York has its feet firmly on the ground. I should also note that the G20, which includes BRICS countries and their like-minded partners and members of the Western G7, holds significant positive potential. 

In the Eurasian space, alongside the SCO, there are multilateral frameworks such as the CIS, the EAEU, the CSTO, CICA, ASEAN, the GCC, and - not the least - the Central Asian Five, the 3+3 mechanism for the South Caucasus, and the format of the five Caspian states. 

Their continued strengthening serves the interests of global peace and stability, while the alignment of their potentials in the spirit of integration philosophy contributes to the formation of a Greater Eurasian Partnership, which is a unified integration framework open to all Eurasian countries and associations. 

To ensure sustainable progress, Eurasia and the entire international community rely on a solid legal foundation, primarily, the UN Charter. This document is ideally suited for a polycentric world.   

The principle of sovereign equality of states enshrined in this code of international conduct implies equal rights for all countries without exception and regardless of the size of the territory, population, military or economic might, or political system. 

Strict adherence to this code will allow all countries, including medium and small ones, to feel secure.

We regard it as absolutely essential that the provisions of the UN Charter be implemented in their entirety, in a cohesive and interdependent manner. Certain countries, however, permit themselves to interpret this fundamental UN document selectively, extracting only those passages that serve their immediate interests. For example, when it aligns with their geopolitical objectives, they emphasise the principle of territorial integrity, overlooking the equally vital right of nations to self-determination. Conversely, in other instances, they call for the recognition of self-determination for territories they wish to detach from sovereign states.

Let me once again refer to the 1970 UN Declaration on the Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States in accordance with the UN Charter, which was adopted by consensus.

It explicitly states that the principle of territorial integrity applies solely to states that uphold the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and which possess governments that represent the entire population of a specific territory, without distinction as to race, creed, or colour.

Russia urges those who apply double standards in their policies to bear this in mind. Equally critical is the requirement enshrined in Article 1 of the UN Charter to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, without distinction based on race, sex, language, or religion. Many so-called defenders of human rights blatantly disregard this obligation when it suits their purposes to protect a despotic yet compliant regime.

Another key principle aimed at safeguarding peace and stability is that of equal and indivisible security, which precludes the enhancement of one state’s or group of states’ security at the expense of others. This principle is enshrined in numerous consensus-based international documents adopted at the highest level, including those within the OSCE framework.

One of the root causes of the current European security crisis has been the flagrant violation of this principle through NATO’s aggressive eastward expansion, the deployment of Alliance infrastructure along Russia’s borders, and plans to establish NATO military bases in Crimea and the Sea of Azov. Their objective, clearly stated, was to transform Ukraine into an anti-Russian stronghold for Washington and Brussels.

It was only after exhausting all peaceful political means to resolve the Ukrainian crisis that we were compelled to adopt military and military-technical measures to ensure the security of our state, protect our citizens, and defend our compatriots, whose rights have been systematically eradicated by the regime that seized power in Kiev following the 2014 anti-constitutional coup, orchestrated with Western support.

Nevertheless, even now, we remain committed to prioritising diplomatic solutions. As President of Russia Vladimir Putin has repeatedly emphasised, a lasting resolution to the Ukrainian conflict can only be achieved through negotiations. This requires addressing the root causes of the crisis – namely, the military threats posed by Ukraine’s integration into NATO, as well as the suppression of the linguistic, cultural, and religious rights of Ukraine’s Russian and Russian-speaking population.

The Middle East remains volatile today. The growing military escalation surrounding Iran, which poses a serious threat not only to regional but also to global security, is of particular concern.

Russia has resolutely condemned the US’s missile and aerial strikes against Iranian nuclear facilities, that followed Israel’s unprovoked attack on the Islamic Republic. Such actions represent a blatant disregard for international law, the United Nations Charter, and relevant Security Council resolutions, and they inflict severe damage on the non-proliferation regime governing weapons of mass destruction.

In this regard, we consistently call to put an immediate end to aggression and urge all parties to take necessary steps to steer the situation back onto a political and diplomatic track.

Now, we can see signs that this self-evident truth is beginning to be recognised by other countries, including those directly involved in the current tensions. Russia has conveyed in advance its proposals to the United States, Israel, and Iran tailored specifically to ensure genuine de-escalation and a lasting settlement. We remain fully open to substantive discussion of these ideas, and to dialogue with all relevant parties on this and other pressing issues.

Despite the overall complexity of the current international situation, particularly in Eurasia, it is not too late to correct course. To rectify the situation for the long term, we believe that political leaders and diplomats need a willingness to think strategically and to look beyond the immediate horizon.

In this regard, I would like to highlight President of Russia Vladimir Putin’s initiative to create a common continental architecture of equal and indivisible security in Eurasia. It would be completely open for all the countries in this space that are ready for equal and constructive cooperation.

Its aim is to overcome the persistent challenges we face, and to stabilise the military and political situation across the entire Eurasian continent, including, importantly, its Western European part.

Turkmenistan, with its permanent neutral status and its active role within the Central Asian Five group of nations, is well placed to play a substantive part. We welcome the interest of our Turkmen partners in offering their unique and, without exaggeration, valuable potential to assist in the search for peaceful resolutions to enduring regional conflicts.

Turkmenistan is the only country whose neutrality has been fully and unanimously recognised by the UN General Assembly on three separate occasions, a distinction which lends additional credibility to its mediation efforts.

In conjunction with our Belarusian colleagues, we propose drafting a Eurasian Charter of Diversity and Multipolarity in the 21st Century, which could eventually be adopted at a pan-continental summit. We see this Charter as a policy document outlining the framework for security architecture in Eurasia and, more broadly, the parameters of cooperation between countries in a multipolar world firmly grounded in the principles of the UN Charter, in their - importantly - full scope and interconnection. 

We welcome the participation of Turkmenistan and other concerned countries in this work. Strengthening comprehensive partnership, alliance, and cooperation with our Central Asian friends based on respect for sovereignty, equality, and mutual consideration of each other’s interests is one of the top priorities of Russian diplomacy. 

Unlike certain states that view Central Asia as an arena for geopolitical rivalry, Russia does not impose anything on anyone, does not lecture others, does not pit anyone against anyone, does not politicise practical cooperation, and, above all, does not interfere in internal affairs or instigate colour revolutions. 

Allow me to specifically address Russian-Turkmen bilateral relations, which are rooted in a shared glorious history. 

This May, we jointly marked the 80th anniversary of the Great Victory. We highly appreciate the careful efforts of our Turkmen colleagues to preserve the memory of those heroic events. During the Great Patriotic War, our fathers, grandfathers, and great-grandfathers fought side by side against Nazism saving the world from the horrors of the Nazi scourge. In the first days of the war, 3,000 Turkmen volunteers joined the Red Army, and hundreds of thousands of soldiers from the Turkmen SSR fought on the frontlines. More than 78,000 were awarded orders and medals, including the great-grandfather of President of Turkmenistan Serdar Berdimuhamedov, Berdymukhammed Annayev. 

Russia deeply valued the participation of President Serdar Berdimuhamedov in this year’s Victory Parade in Moscow on May 9. In honour of our wartime brotherhood, an honour unit from the Armed Forces of Turkmenistan marched across Red Square. That same day, with the support of Turkmenistan’s leadership, flowers were laid at the Eternal Flame of the People’s Memory Memorial Complex in Ashgabat, and an Immortal Regiment procession was held with people carrying portraits of their relatives who fought during the war. Near the Russian Embassy, an Alley of Memory was unveiled to mark the anniversary of Victory. 

Today, our delegation also laid flowers at the majestic People’s Memory monument. By preserving the glorious chapters of our shared past, we look to the future with confidence. 

Today, Russia and Turkmenistan are advancing bilateral dialogue on the principles of neighbourliness, respect, and mutual consideration of interests. The Declaration on Enhanced Strategic Partnership signed by our respective presidents in Moscow in 2022 serves as a cornerstone for deepening ties across a broad range of areas including trade, energy, transport, digital technologies, education, culture, and information and biological security. 

Parliamentary diplomacy has become an integral part of our relations. Legislators from both countries maintain contact, and thanks to their proactive stance, the Ashgabat Format was created. In 2022, the first Russia-Central Asia Interparliamentary Forum was held.

Today, we discussed preparations for its second session. We are also keen to institutionalise women parliamentarians’ conferences under the Inter-Parliamentary Union. 

Humanitarian cooperation holds a special place in our partnership. We highly value Turkmenistan’s respectful and enthusiastic attitude towards the Russian language, literature, and culture. The Russian Drama Theatre in Ashgabat enjoys great popularity, and the joint Russian-Turkmen Alexander Pushkin School operates successfully. The Russian language is widely taught in your country’s educational institutions. 

In Russia, the Turkmen language is taught in universities and a specialised school in the Astrakhan Region, which is home to a compact Turkmen diaspora. In the near future, we plan to implement a major project to establish a Russian-Turkmen University.

Today, my colleague and friend, Vice President and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Turkmenistan Rashid Meredov and I discussed progress in preparing an intergovernmental agreement on this issue. We pay much attention to youth exchanges. We suggest expanding the productive interaction between the Institute of International Relations under Turkmenistan’ Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the MGIMO University under the Russian Foreign Ministry and developing ties between budding diplomats of the both countries with the assistance of our Council of Young Diplomats.

We are working on further tapping into our large trade and economic potential. Russia remains one of Turkmenistan’s major partners. Over the first three months of this year alone our trade grew by more than 21 percent. This is not the limit, seeing the potential of our countries’ economies.

I want to note that new large joint projects are being discussed by the Intergovernmental Russia-Turkmenistan Commission on Economic Cooperation. The attendance of the 28th St Petersburg International Economic Forum by Deputy Prime Minister of Turkmenistan Nokerguly Atagulyev was useful and productive. Nokerguly Atagulyev will chair the Turkmen part of the Intergovernmental Commission. Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation Marat Khusnullin will co-chair the Commission on the Russian part. We have agreed that they will meet soon to prepare a comprehensive regular meeting of the Intergovernmental Commission.

Our countries’ unique geographical position creates good opportunities for building transport corridors. In this context we are working hand in glove for raising the efficiency of the Eastern route of the North-South International Transport Corridor, which is connecting Russia and Iran via Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan and is strategically important for developing transport arteries in that part of Eurasia.

To be continued...