10:46

Remarks by Permanent Representative of the Russian Federation to the OSCE Alexander Lukashevich at a meeting of the OSCE Permanent Council on the situation in Ukraine and the need to comply with the Minsk Agreements, Vienna, March 10, 2016

452-11-03-2016

Mr Chairperson,

All of us agree, as was proved at the March 3 Normandy format ministerial meeting in Paris, that there is no alternative to the Minsk Package of Measures as the basis for a peaceful settlement of the Ukrainian crisis. But opinions differ on the reasons why the package has not been implemented.

Regarding the ceasefire and weapons withdrawal, the SMM reports have mentioned violations on both sides. At the same time, we see the emergence of a dangerous trend in which Ukrainian armed forces are gradually taking over the so-called buffer zone, moving their forward positions closer to the areas held by the self-defence forces and testing their strength. This is a direct and gross violation of the Minsk Agreements.

The incident that happened on March 5-8 was provoked by the Ukrainian military attempt to seize one more neutral area near Yasinovataya north of Donetsk. Not surprisingly, Kiev hastened to accuse the self-defence forces of conducting a false flag operation. This has become Kiev’s signature style.

It is especially alarming that this happened immediately after the Contact Group signed important agreements on March 2 to launch mine clearing operations and to stop live-fire exercises.

We urge Kiev, Germany’s OSCE chairmanship and the SMM to take the necessary measures to prevent such provocations.

We have taken note of a positive role played by the concerted actions of OSCE SMM observers and representatives of the Joint Control and Coordination Centre to prevent the escalation of this incident into a large-scale conflict. We are convinced that stronger cooperation between the SMM and the JCCC will help to further stabilise the situation. JCCC representatives and journalists must not come under fire again.

The presence of SMM observers is mostly requested in the security zone on both sides of the line of contact. It would be best if they visited the checkpoints located there more frequently. The waiting time at the checkpoints should be reduced and more checkpoints should be opened until the eventual lifting of the blockade.

The SMM’s reports show that the agreement to stop firing exercises at the test ranges in the security zone is mostly observed. We also welcome the practical measures taken to mark minefields and clear mines.

These important, though limited, achievements should be acted upon. We hope that work in the Contact Group and related subgroups will become more effective at long last. Further steps must be taken to defuse tensions such as a complete ceasefire and the withdrawal of the weapons that are covered by agreements. Tranquillity at the line of contact could be promoted by the withdrawal of nationalist battalions, which remain the most destabilizing element, from the conflict zone. Another powerful confidence-building measure could be direct contact between representatives of the sides’ units deployed opposite each other.

Generally, the direct dialogue between Kiev and Donbass, be it on security aspects or the political process, is pivotal for the entire Minsk process. The refusal to hold a detailed discussion and look for compromises with Donetsk and Lugansk is good for propaganda and for distracting the people from internal problems, as are loud statements about an early “recapture of Donbass”. Simultaneously, however, this tactics can only drag out the crisis, which, objectively speaking, is neither in the interests of the Ukrainian people nor its neighbours.

Let me remind you of some statements made by the Ukrainian president’s adviser and Contact Group negotiator Vladimir Gorbulin: “The potential for a diplomatic solution to the Donbass conflict problem is being exhausted”, “The Ukrainian state’s main and only stratagem is to play for time and build up its forces”, “Soon the issue of an active and effective involvement of another foreign policy tool, the armed forces, will emerge.” So far, all of this has been confirmed.

This, as we see it, is vicious logic that proceeds from the assumption that the Minsk Agreements are harmful for Ukraine and consequently must not be implemented.

Ours is the opposite approach. We believe that the implementation of at least the first stage of the political process, which is about coordinating all the key issues related to elections in Donbass, can be accelerated.

It is necessary to abide by the sequence of steps outlined in the Minsk Agreements and confirmed by the Normandy Four in Paris on October 2, 2015. Specifically, it is important to observe the interconnection between holding the elections, introducing into force a standing law on the special status [of Donbass], amending the Ukrainian Constitution to reflect this status, and declaring amnesty under a bill approved by the Verkhovna Rada, but not yet signed into law by President Petr Poroshenko.

Mr Chairman,

We have also read the 13th Report by the UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine for the period from November 16, 2015 to February 15, 2016. 

We are not surprised that the report confirms facts of gross human rights violations and crimes committed by the Ukrainian armed forces, secret services, and Ukrainian radicals. It is also clear that the investigation of these crimes is being dragged out or sabotaged. As is evident from the report, the Ukrainian Security Service, being one of the main violators, has been openly opposing the fight against impunity and the search for offenders.

The same is true of crimes committed on the Maidan in Kiev, in Odessa and Mariupol. Investigations are being dragged out and judges are under great pressure. Generally, Ukraine is beset with grave problems related to the administration of justice and due process of law in keeping with international standards.

Politically motivated restrictions on the freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, and media freedom have been imposed. The authorities turn a blind eye at radicals’ attempts to seize churches of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) and at violence towards believers.

Generally, the authorities conniving in politically justified lawlessness keynotes the entire Ukrainian crisis. First, the Molotov cocktails used on the Maidan, next government offices in Western Ukraine and elsewhere are occupied, and then an orgy of violence is staged by nationalists and radicals who are committing unlawful acts not only in the conflict zone but also all over the country. They feel they have the right to pressurise judges and law enforcement officials. Flocking to the colours of the Right Sector, Svoboda and Aidar are bandits who live off informal fees charged on transit traffic and peaceful civilians. It is seen as normal for an MP to penetrate the premises of a foreign diplomatic mission to tear down its state flag, as happened with the Russian consulate in Lvov the other day. We didn’t notice any resolute actions by the Ukrainian law enforcers to ensure the Russian diplomatic mission’s security in Kiev. Those present in this room must know well how and under what laws the inviolability of diplomatic missions should be provided. These outrages are likely to continue today.

The supporters of “Western values” are still looking at all this with their eyes wide shut. Their only desire is to see the perpetuation of the “reform course”, on behalf of which the credulous people were treated with complementary doughnuts on the Maidan.  This seems to be the vision of “rule of law” characterising some of our colleagues.

Thank you for your time.


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